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R=tual—in this case, as in others, a familiar hymn—had transformed an otherwise hopeless recipient o= care into
someone quite different. At least for those few minutes, he had become a human being capable of reaching out =nd
caring for others, a beacon of light and joy to everyone. We simply do n=t know what is transpiring in the mind of
another person. It is all too easy to place all the blame on th= dementia patient, lamenting and even despising their
disability. But were w= to do so, we would be letting ourselves off the hook a bit too soon. Awareness= understanding,
and affection are not merely the outputs of some inner dynam=. They also emerge in response to what others do, say,
and feel. In some c=ses, unresponsiveness may say less about a patient's disability than a failure on our part to offer
someth=ng worth responding to. So if you have a friend, relative or love one suffering from dementia, although not a
cure, keeping them engaged helps.
<=div>
=/div>
I recently heard=a pundit on one of the Sunday morning network news programs describe one or President Lyndon
Johnson's signatur= achievements, the War On Poverty, as a failure when this is a= absolute distortion of the truth. In
an Huffington Post article this week =y Jillian Berman — This Is What Poverty Would Look Like If The GOP Had Its Way —
that a new study by Columbia University researc=ers released this week — Without the War on Poverty's govern=ent
programs such as food stamps, Medicaid and the Earned Income Tax Credit, America's poverty rate would have jumped
from 25 percent to 31 percent =etween 1967 and 2012. Instead, it fell from 19 percent to 16 percent during that period.
(The chart below shows what the SPM would have been without government programs in dark blue and what it actually
was in light blue.)
Government programs have been especially effective at reducing what is known as the "deep poverty rate," or the share
of people living below 50 percent of t=e poverty threshold, the researchers found. Without government programs, t=e
deep poverty rate would have been 19.2 percent in 2012. Instead, it was 5.3 percent.=A0 "These government policies
and programs have really kept that deep poverty rate pr=tty remarkably flat," said Chris Wimer, a research scientist at
Columb=a University's Population Research Center and one of the authors of the s=udy. "Even as the business cycle
goes up and down, we've been able to hold back real serious deprivation at the bottom."
Though the War on Poverty was largely a bipart=san undertaking in its early years, Republicans -- led by Ronald Reagan -
- star=ed questioning its merits in the 1980s. In 1988, Reagan famously quipped: "In the '60s, we waged a war on
poverty, and poverty won." Republican =arling Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) will likely continue that ideological tradition
with a speech he is due to deliver from the LBJ Room of the Capitol on Wednesday. "After 50 years isn't it time to
declare big government's war on poverty a fai=ure?" Rubio asked in a video released on Sunday. He went on to
advocate "a real agenda that helps people acquire the skills they need" instead of spendin= more on government
programs. To that end, over the past few years, Republicans have proposed cutting food stamps and Social Security
benefits.
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But, according to the Columbia study, those government programs and others are keeping millions o= Americans out of
poverty and were particularly important during the recessi=n. In 2012, the supplemental poverty measure was 16
percent. Without programs like food stamps, Medicaid and Social Security= it would have been 31 percent, the study
found. "You're not seein= nearly the jumps in poverty under the supplemental poverty measure as you saw in previous
recessions, and that seems to be because we took a lot of concrete policy actions," like extending unemployment
benefits and expanding the f=od stamp program, Wimer said. "These things have sort of stanched some of the bleeding
in the economy."
I often wonder about people like Marco Rubio whose mi=sion is to do everything they can to eviscerate, weaken or kill
social programs =hat provide a safety net for children, poor, elderly and the less fortunate and then claim that they
haven't worked. It is akin to defunding NASA and then suggest that it is a failure from the st=rt. First of all, why
wouldn't the richest country on the planet not believe that the most venerable Americans be prov=ded as much
protection as possible? Especially, those of us who consider ourselves Christians. As someone wh= grew up in a
household that was only able survive with the assistance of Welfare, I can tell you from first=hand experience that it
wasn't a luxury and without it the human toll=would have been much worse. So if we want our social programs to be
successful we have to truly support them and we have to stop ridiculi=g recipients. Remember expectation is 90% of
success because if you can't envision a way-out it is difficult to find a pathway to succ=ss.
The decline=in median African•American household income from 2000 to 2010.
• $4,235: T=e decline in median Hispanic household income from 2000 to 2010.
• 49.1 Million: The number of people under 65 without any health insurance.
<https://maiLgoo=le.com/mail/u/0/?ui=2&ik=875c48a476&view=att&th=143732=51ea11296&attid=0.1&disp=safe&rea
lattid=ii_143732751eall=96&zw>
To settle a barr=ge of government legal actions over the last year, JPMorgan Chase has agreed to penalties that now
total $20 billio=, a sum that could cover the annual education budget of New York City or financ= the Yankees' payroll
for 100 years. It is also a figure that most of the nation's banks could not withstand if t=ey had to pay it. But since the
financial crisis, JPMorgan has become so large=and profitable that it has been able to weather the government's legal
blitz,=which has touched many parts of the bank's sprawling operations. Peter Eavis=article in the New York Times —
Steep Penalties Taken in Stride by=JPMorgan Chase.
The latest hit to JPMorgan came on Tuesday, when fede=al prosecutors imposed a $1.7 billion penalty on the bank for
failing to repor= Bernard L. Madoff's suspicious activities to the authorities. Yet JPMo=gan's shares are up 28 percent
over the last 12 months. Wall Street analysts estimate that it will earn as much=as $23 billion in profit this year, more
than any other lender. And JPMorgan=92s investment bankers, who on average earned $217,000 in 2012, can look
forwar= to another lush payday as bonus season approaches. 'The fines have been manageable in the context of the
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bank's earnings capacity," Jason Goldberg, a bank analyst at Barclays, said. "It makes =25 billion in revenue per quarter
and has record capital." "JPMorgan fa=led — and failed miserably," Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in
Manhattan, said on Tuesday in announcing the action.
As much as such words might sting at first, the bank=92s shareholders and clients show every sign of remaining loyal.
JPMorgan's financial success highlights a deep quandary that regulators have to grappl= with as they press the largest
banks to clean up their acts. The government=92s penalties may seem large on paper — JPMorgan's mortgage
settlement with=the Justice Department last year cost it a record $13 billion — but the large=t banks seem capable of
earning their way out of serious legal trouble. =93JPMorgan's shareholders may believe these billions of dollars don't
count because they see them as extraordinary expenses," said Erik Gordon, a professor at the University of Michigan La=
School. "But they keep popping up one after another — and the bank coul= have done something about them."
<=p>
One reason that JPMorgan can absorb the $20 billion i= that it has steadily set aside reserves over the last few years to
finance futur= legal payouts. Mr. Goldberg, the bank analyst, estimates that, as of last year's third quarter, JPMorgan
had injected $28 billion into its legal re=erves since the end of 2009. The legal payouts that have been subtracted from
the reserves, including those booked since the third quarter, might have taken =he reserve down to about $10 billion.
Most analysts expect JPMorgan will be ab=e to cover any remaining settlements, though the bank said on Tuesday that
it might have to set aside an extra $400 million for the Madoff settlement.
In theory, regulators have other ways of improving et=ics at banks. They can try to hold more individuals personally
accountable. Some senior executives have left JPMorgan as a result of recent scandals at the bank, including the so-
called London whale incident, in which the bank's traders lost more than $6 billion on botched derivatives trades. In
recent months, the bank has also added two members to its board to improve oversight. But facts contained in the
government's Madoff action suggest that efforts to hold executives respon=ible may go only so far.
The action describes how the chief risk officer of JPMorgan's investment bank allowed the bank to increase its financial
exp=sure to a Madoff entity in 2007 to $250 million. The risk officer had spoken wit= Mr. Madoff but approved the
increase even though Mr. Madoff appeared to mak= it clear that he would not answer more probing questions about his
firm. The government's action says that the risk officer understood that Mr. Madoff "would not authorize any further
direct due diligence of Madoff Securitie=." The risk officer, John Hogan, still works at JPMorgan as chairman of risk.=A0
"Our senior people were trying to do the right thing and acted in good faith at all times," Brian J. Marchiony, a JPMorgan
spokesman, said in a statement. The bank also said, "We recogniz= we could have done a better job pulling together
various pieces of information=and concerns about Madoff from different parts of the bank over time."=/p>
Still, some banking experts say they think that compa=ies like JPMorgan are so large and complex that it might be almost
impossible t= keep all employees in line. "With respect to the big banks, it is not so much a culture problem but a
complex=ty problem," said Kurt N. Schacht, a managing director at the CFA Institute,ran organization that promotes
ethics and standards at financial firms. "We t=ink these firms are so large that they are always going to be plagued by
rogue operators." As a result, breaking up the banks to make them smaller might improve their cultures, some bank
speciali=ts contend. "I think JPMorgan is too big to manage and it should be broken up," said Paul Miller, a bank analyst
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at F=R Capital Markets. The London whale incident, he said, showed that some emplo=ees at large banks may still try to
maximize their compensation at the expense =f the firm. "There is too much of an incentive for an individual to cut
cor=ers."
Not Just About Us
Every day the headlines from the Arab world get worse: An A= Qaeda affiliate group, aided by foreign fighters, battles
with seven differ=nt homegrown Syrian rebel groups for control of the region around Aleppo, Syri=. The Iranian Embassy
in Beirut is bombed. Mohamad Chatah, an enormously dece=t former Lebanese finance minister, is blown up after
criticizing Hezbollah=92s brutish tactics. Another pro-Al Qaeda group takes control of Fallujah, Iraq= Explosions rock
Egypt, where the army is now jailing Islamists and secular activists. Libya is a mess of competing militias.
What's going on? Some say it=92s all because of the "power vacuum" — America has absented itself from the region.
But this is not =ust about us. There's also a huge "values vacuum." The Middle East is a h=ghly pluralistic region —
Shiites, Sunnis, Kurds, Christians, Druze and variou= tribes — that for centuries was held together from above by iron-
fisted colonial powers, kings and dictators. But now that vertical control has broken down, before this pluralistic region
has developed any true bottom-up pluralism =96 a broad ethic tolerance — that might enable its citizens to live together
a= equal citizens, without an iron fist from above.
For the Arab awakening to hav= any future, the ideology that is most needed now is the one being promoted least:
Pluralism. Until that changes, argues Marwan Muasher, in his extremely relevant new book — "T=e Second Arab
Awakening and the Battle for Pluralism" — none of the Arab uprisings will succeed.
<= class="MsoNormal">Again, President Obama could have done more to restrai= leaders in Iraq, Egypt, Saudi Arabia,
Iran or Syria from going to extremes. But, ultimately, argues Muasher, this is the Arabs' fight for their polit=cal future. If
500,000 American troops in Iraq, and $1 trillion, could not impl=nt lasting pluralism in the cultural soil there, no outsider
can, said Muasher= There also has to be a will from within. Why is it that some 15,000 Arabs a=d Muslims have flocked
to Syria to fight and die for jihadism and zero have flocked to Syria to fight and die for pluralism? Is it only because we
didn=92t give the "good guys" big enough guns?
=br>
As Muasher, a former Jordanian foreign=minister and now a vice president at the Carnegie Endowment in Washington,
put it in an interv=ew: 'Three years of the Arab uprising have shown the bankruptcy of all the ol= political forces in the
Arab world." The corrupt secular autocrats who fa=led to give their young people the tools to thrive — and, as a result,
trigge=ed these uprisings — are still locked in a struggle with Islamists, who also=have no clue how to deliver jobs,
services, security and economic growth. (Tunis=a may be an exception.) "As long as we're in the this zero-sum game, the
=um will be zero," says Muasher.
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<= class="MsoNormal">No sustainable progress will be possible, argues Muash=r, without the ethic of pluralism
permeating all aspects of Arab society — pluralism of thought, pluralism in gender opportunities, pluralism in respe=t to
other religions, pluralism in education, pluralism toward minorities, pluralism of political parties rotating in power and
pluralism in the sense=of everyone's right to think differently from the collective.
The first Arab awake=ing in the 20th century was a fight for independence from colonial powers, says Muasher. It never
continued as a fi=ht for democracy and pluralism. That war of ideas, he insists, is what "the =econd Arab awakening" has
to be about. Neither the autocrats nor the Islamists =an deliver progress. "Pluralism is the operating system we need to
solve all=our problems, and as long as that operating system is not in place, we will not=get there. This is an internal
battle. Let's stop hoping for delivery from th= outside." This will take time.
Naïve? No. Naive is thinking that everything=is about the absence or presence of American power, and that the people
of the region ha=e no agency. That's wrong: Iraq is splintering because Prime Minister Malik= behaved like a Shiite
militiaman, not an Iraqi Mandela. Arab youths took th=ir future in their own hands, motivated largely by pluralistic
impulses. Bu= the old order proved to be too stubborn, yet these youth aspirations have not gone away, and will not.
"The Arab world w=ll go through a period of turmoil in which exclusionist forces will attempt to dominate the landscape
with absolute tr=ths and new dictatorships," writes Muasher. But "these forces will also fad=, because, in the end, the
exclusionist, authoritarian discourses cannot answ=r the people's needs for better quality of life.... As history has
demonst=ated overwhelmingly, where there is respect for diversity, there is prosperity. Contrary to what Arab societies
have been taught for decades by their governments to believe — that tolerance, acceptance of different points o= view,
and critical thinking are destructive to national unity and economic growth — experience proves that societies cannot
keep renewing themselves=and thereby thrive except through diversity."
Muasher, who is returning to Jordan =o participate in this struggle for diversity, dedicated his book to: "The youth of the
Arab =orld — who revolted, not against their parents, but on their behalf."=/p>
Thomas L. Friedman (New York Times —Jan. 7, 2014)
=/b>
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Fifty years ago today, President Lyndon Johns=n declared "unconditional war" on poverty. Depending on your
ideological=priors, the ensuing effort was either "a catastrophe" (Heritage Hs Robert Rector) or "lived up to our best
hopes as a people who value the di=nity and potential of every human being" (the White House's news re=ease on the
anniversary). Below is some data on these matters to hopefully clarify what exactly happened after Johnson's
declaration, and the role government programs played. Here's what you need to know. This week in The Washington
Post journalist — Dylan Matthews — wrote an interesting article — Everything you need to know about the war =n
poverty.
<=p>
Web Site of the article: httpl=www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2014/01/08/everything-you-need-
to=know-about-the-war-on-poverty/ <http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblogbp/2014/01/08/everything-
you-need-to-know-about-the-war-on-poverty/>
1. What was the =ar on poverty?
The term "war o= poverty" generally refers to a set of initiatives proposed by Johnson's administration, passed by
Cong=ess, and implemented by his Cabinet agencies. As Johnson put it in his 1964 Stat= of the Union address
announcing the effort, "Our aim is not only to relie=e the symptoms of poverty, but to cure it and, above all, to prevent
it."=
=span style="font-size:14pt;line-height:107%;font-family:Georgia,serif">2= What programs did it include?
The effort centered around four pieces of legislation=
• The Social Security Amendments of 196=, which created Medicare and Medicaid and also expanded Social Security
benefits for retire=s, widows, the disabled and college-aged students, financed by an increase in the payroll tax cap and
rates.
• The Food Stamp Act of 1964, which made the food stamps program, then only a pilot, permanent.
• =he Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, which established the Job Corps, the VISTA program, the federal work-study
program and a numb=r of other initiatives. It also established the Office of Economic Opportunit= (OEO), the arm of the
White House responsible for implementing the war on poverty and which created the Head Start program in the
process.
=p class="MsoNormal">• The Elementary and Secondary Education Act, signe= into law in 1965, which established the
Title I program subsidizing school distr=cts with a large share of impoverished students, among other provisions. ESEA
h=s since been reauthorized, most recently in the No Child Left Behind Act.
3. =hy did it start when it did?
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Besides Johnson's personal interest in the issue,=a number of factors made 1964-65 the ideal time for the war on
poverty to start. The 1962 publication of Michael Harrington's "The Other America,=quot; an expose which
demonstrated that poverty in America was far more prevalent th=n commonly assumed, focused public debate on the
issue, as did Dwight MacDona=d's 13,000-word review essay on the book in The New Yorker. Many histori=ns, such as
Harrington biographer Maurice Isserman, credit Harrington and the book (which John F. Kennedy purportedly read while
in office, along with the MacDonald review) with spurring Kennedy and then Johnson to formulate an an=i-poverty
agenda, on which Harrington (despite being a member of the Socialist Party) consulted alongside Daniel Patrick
Moynihan and OEO chief Sargent Shriver.<=span>
The civil rights movement also deserves con=iderable credit for forcing action. Groups like the NAACP and the Urban
league were promine=t allies of the Johnson administration in its push for the Economic Opportuni=y Act and other
legislation on the topic. Another factor is the fact that we =ust didn't have good data on poverty until shortly before the
war on it beg=n; our numbers only go back to 1959.
<=p>
4. How long did it last?
Many of the war on poverty's programs — like Me=icaid, Medicare, food stamps, Head Start, Job Corps, VISTA and Title I
— are sti=I in place today. The Nixon administration largely dismantled the OEO, distribut=ng its functions to a variety of
other federal agencies, and eventually the of=ice was renamed in 1975 and then shuttered for good in 1981.
5. Did it reduce p=verty, actually?
It did. A recent study from economists at Columbia br=ke down changes in poverty before and after the government
gets involved in th= form of taxes and transfers, and found that, when you take government intervention into account,
poverty is down considerably from 1967 to 2012, =rom 26 percent to 16 percent:
While that doesn't allow us to see how poverty chan=ed between the start of the war in 1964 and the start of the data
in 1967, the most noticeable trend here is that the gap between before-government and after-government poverty just
keeps growing. In fact, without government programs, poverty would have actually increased over the period in
question= Government action is literally the only reason we have less poverty in 2012 than we did in 1967.
What's more, we can directly attribute this to programs =reated or expanded during the war on poverty. In 2012, food
stamps (since renamed Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP) alone kept 4 million pe=ple out of poverty:
And is even more important =n fighting extreme poverty (that is, people living under $2 a day):
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In fairness, SNAP isn't the biggest anti-p=verty program on the books. That would be Social Security, also expanded by
the war on pover=y. The Earned Income Tax Credit, which came a few decades after, and other refundable credits are
No. 2:
<=p>
The impact of non-transfer programs such as Medica=e, Medicaid and Job Corps on poverty is harder to measure, but
what indication= there are are promising. Amy Finkelstein and Robin McKnight have found that Medicare significantly
reduced out-of-pocket medical expenditures for senio=s, which increased their real incomes. The Oregon Medicaid
Study found that th= program significantly reduces financial hardship for its beneficiaries, who= under Oregon's
eligibility rules at the time, all fell below the povert= line. A randomized evaluation of the Job Corps found that it caused
improvements =n a variety of outcomes, most notably a 12 percent increase in earnings of participants but also
reductions in rates of incarceration, arrest, and conviction.
Title I, on the other hand, is generally agreed to cause more equitable school funding allocations, but the evidence on its
effects =n student achievement is less promising, with many evaluations finding no eff=ct. A randomized evaluation of
Head Start found that its effects faded out quic=ly, and many experts, notably James Heckman, are quite skeptical of the
program=#39;s benefits. That said, other researchers, like Harvard's David Deming, ha=e more positive evaluations.
6. Why don't people think it reduced poverty?
Largely because people rely on the official poverty r=te, which is a horrendously flawed measure, which excludes income
received from major anti-poverty programs like food stamps or the EITC. It also fails to =ake into account expenses such
as child care and out-of-pocket medical spending= If you look at the traditional rate — which, I'm not even kidding, is
ba=ed on the affordability of food for a family of three in 1963/4, with no adjustments except for inflation since then —
it looks like poverty has stagnated rat=er than fallen. So when you read, say, the Cato Institute's Micha=l Tanner writing
things like, "the poverty rate has remained relatively constan= since 1965, despite rising welfare spending," keep in mind
that that statistic is completely meaningless in this context. The relevant measure i= the supplemental poverty measure
which, as mentioned above, fell following =he start of the war on poverty.
<=p>
7. What more could we be doing now to fight poverty?
So many things! We could expand existing working =nti-poverty programs like Social Security, the Earned Income Tax
Credit, the child tax credit and food stamps, or at least reverse recent cuts to the latter. We could, similarly, cut taxes on
the working poor, perhaps by exempting the f=rst $10,000 or so of a worker's earnings from payroll taxes, or by cutting
=own on the extremely high effective marginal tax rates which poor Americans face. =e could adopt a still more
dramatic transfer regime, such as a basic income o= low-income wage subsidies. We could be investing in education,
such as by scaling up successful pre-K pilots such as the Perry or Abecedarian experiments, or by expanding high-
performing charter schools and having traditional public schools adopt their approaches. We could raise the minim=m
wage, which all researchers find reduces poverty.
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From left, Joe McNeil, Franklin McCain, Billy Smith and Clarence Henderson, N.C. A&T State University students, on the
second d=y of a sit-in campaign in 1960 when they asked for service at a whites-only counter at an F.W. Woolworth
store in Greensboro.
=hursday night an unsung American hero died. His simple act was sitting =t a Greensboro lunch counter and asking for
coffee. With that action on Feb. 1, 1960, Franklin McCain Sr. and three fellow students from N.C. A&T State University
became icons of the civil rights era and an inspiration to a generation of America=s. McCain, who was born in Union
County and lived much of his life in Charlotte, died Thursday night in Greensboro afte= a brief illness. He was 73. That
1960 visit to the F.W. Woolworth marke= the start of the sit-in movement, which spread across the South and gave
renewed spark to the struggle for equal rights. A portion of the once whites-only lunch counter is at the Smithsonian
National Museum of American History. And the old Greensboro store is now th= site of the International Civil Rights
Center & Museum. "To the world, he was a civil rights pioneer who, along with his three classmates, dared to make a
difference by starting the sit-in movement," his olde=t son, Franklin Jr., said Friday. "To us, he was Daddy — a man who
=eeply loved his family and cherished his friends. We will forever treasure the wonderfu= memories that we have and be
thankful for all that he did for us and for hi= fellow man."
Harvey Gantt was a teenager in 1960. The Greensboro sit=ins inspired him and friends in his hometown of Charleston to
do the same at lu=ch counters there. "(McCain) was one of the iconic figures of the civil rights movement who inspired
a lot of people, including me," "will endure as a model of citizenship and f=eedom for this country whose Constitution
begins, 'We the People.' " A poster at the International Civil Rights Center & Museum sums up the legacy. =93Before
the march on Washington, Montgomery and Birmingham," it says, "there wa= the walk to Woolworth's." It was a
seminal moment.
=p class="MsoNormal">
On that M=nday in 1960, McCain, then 19, and his friends —Joseph McNeil, Ezell Blair Jr. (now Jibreel Khazan) and David
Richmond (who died in 1990)— walked a mile from the A&T campus to Woolworth.=A0 They bought a few items,
toothpaste and a composition book for McCain, and asked for receipts. Then they sat at the whites-only counter. A
white waitress and the store manager told them that they could not be served. A black woma= who cleared the counter
told them to order food at the standup counter downstairs. An elderly white woman sitting at the counter got up and
left. As she passed the four students, sh= put her right hand on McCain's shoulder and her left on McNeil's. McCain
would recall a half-century later. "But then she said, 'Boys, I am so proud of you. I only wish you'd done this 10 years
ago.' "
The four stu=ents, later known as the Greensboro Four, left the counter shortly before closing time, vowing to return.
Only McCain a=d McNeil showed the next day, with two other students they'd recruited. But as the news spread, the
=it-ins grew. There had been other sit-ins, in places like Chicago and Wichita, Kan. But none had the galvanizing effect of
that Febru=ry day in 1960. "It's an amazingly seminal, influential moment," said historian David Garrow. "It was
emulated and copied in town after town after town. And it's fascin=ting to watch how the word spreads from
Greensboro to Durham ... to Nashville (Tenn.). "So the re=I importance of it is as a classic example of a perfectly timed
spark that moves scores of other black college students to ... start doing exactly the same thing."
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It also led 10 =eeks later to the creation in Raleigh of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, which would
become a driving for=e of the civil rights movement throughout the South. In 2010, on the 50th =nniversary of the sit-
in, McCain said he had been told by his parents and grandparents that i= they followed the Bill of Rights, Constitution
and Ten Commandments, and if they worked hard and helped others, they had a good chance of success. T=ey had
arrived on the Greensboro campus "angry at the system," =cCain said. "The system still betrayed us," McCain said. "I
considered myself as part of the big lie. All four of us did."./p>
After=Greensboro, McCain went on to graduate from N.C. A&T with degrees in chemistry and biology. A year later, he
married =ettye Davis, a Bennett College student who also had participated in the civil rights demonstrations. She died
Jan. 2, 2013. They had three sons — Franklin Jr., Wendell and Bert — and six grandchildren= McCain worked for nearly 35
years as a chemist and sales representative at the Celanese Corp. in Charlotte. A b=efy man with oversized passion and
a penchant for candor, he remained active in his community and in civil right= efforts. He once led the Black Political
Caucus. "It's a huge loss because Franklin has been a community l=ader for a long time," said former Charlotte-
Mecklenburg school board Chair Wilh=lmina Rembert. McCain was active in education, too. He chaired the board of
trustees at N.C. A&T and served on the boa=ds of Bennett College, N.C. Central University and the UNC Board of
Governors<=>. "His courage and commitment to doing what was right didn't end at Woolworth'=," UNC system
President Tom Ross said. -That commitment continued throughout=his life, and he channeled it in ways that really
mattered, particularly in his service and devotion to our university and to higher education." A&=T Chancellor Harold
Martin Sr. said, "The Aggie family mourns the los= of Dr. Franklin McCain. His contributions to this university, the city of
Greensboro and the nation as a civil rights le=der ... (are) without measure."
<1=>
McCain also was active with the NAACP Legal Defen=e and Educational Fund and chaired the organization's North
Carolina regional committee. Retired educator Sarah Stevenson said her friend, whom she called "Little Brother," never
lost his passion for advancing the cause of equal opportunity. "He said many times that our children are not getting =t,
and we just need to keep fighting," Stevenson said. Civil rights attorney James Ferguson called McCain "a lifetime
activist for civil rights." "His presence is going to be missed," Ferguson said, "but his legacy will live on." Gov. Pat
McCrory said McCain "made his mark on American history in 1960 with a simple act of extraordinary courage."
=93Although social progress can seem slow, McCain never gave up on his native North Carolina," McCrory added in =
statement. "His death follows a life of service to his community and is a true loss for our state." In 201., McCain
reflected on his moment in history. "That day — Feb. 1, 1960— was the best day of my life, and just for sitting on some
dumb stool," he said. "It was a reaffirmation of who I am and what I'm supposed to be." =/i>Most important is that four
students non-violent defiance inspired a movement that changed America for the bette=.
THIS WEEK's QUOTE
The Modern Conservative Is =ngaged In One Of Man's Oldest Exercises In Moral Philosophy; That Is, The Search For A
Superior Moral Justification=For Selfishness.'
John Kenneth Galbraith
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WONDERFUL PHOTOS
National Geographic Photos Web Link:
https:Thail.google.com/mail/u/0/?ui=2&ik=875c48a476&view=att&th=3D1437b1601212d717&attid=0.1&disp=safe&zw
Please enjoy as the photos are fantastic aspan>
THIS WEEK's MUSIC</=>
To pay homage to Phil Everly who as you kn=w died last week, I would like to share some of the music of The Everly
BrothersBlue Grass roots fused with Rock & Roll to inspir= a generation and music around the world afterward. With
this said I invite you to enjoy the music of The Everly Brothers=/i>.
The Everly Brothers — Bye Bye Love -- http://youtu.be/xCWMM=S6W4Q<http://youtu.beACWMMKS6W4Q>
The Everly Brothers — All I Have to Dream -- http://youtu.be/ITYe9eDqxe8 <http://youtu.b=/ITYe9eDizixefk
The Everly Brothers — Problems -- http://youtu.beaRGCeMlenhw <http://youtu.be/ZRGCeMlen=w>
The Everly Brothers — Cathy's Clown -- http://youtu.be/z3-E9JebDtU <http://youtu.be/z3=E9JebDtU>
The Everly Brothers — When Will I Be Loved -- http://youtu.be/rI0115SexV0 <http://youtu.=e/r101I5SexV0>
The Everly Brothers — Til I Kissed You -- http://youtu.be/80I8HEZSzEw <http://youtu.be/8=l8HEZ5zFw>
The Everly Brothers — Walk Right Back -- http://youtu.be/4OwRp49x-FI <http://youtu.be/4OwRp49x-=I>
The Everly Brothers — Crying In The Rain -- http://youtusbe/1RVYmYlEFFI <http://youtu=beARVYmYlEFFI>
The Everly Brothers — Let It Be Me -- http://youtu.be/leRPr-zKNwl <http://youtu.be/leRPr=zKNwl>
The Everly Brothers — Wake Up Little Susie -- http://youtu.be/E6Q6zg90dxk <http://youtu.=e/E6Q6zg90dxk>
The Everly Brothers — On The Wings of a Nightingale -- http://youtu.be/LRb8_4dQkBM
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The Everly Brothers — Message to Mary/Maybe Tomorrow -- http://youtu.be/RECqqc8S-11
The Life and Times of The Everly Brothers -- http://youtu.be/4miV-DamNy4
The Everly Brothers & The Beach Boys live =edley http://youtu.be/6E0=RIXq3tc <http://youtu.be/6E0IRIXq3tc>
I hope that you enjoyed this week's=readings and wish you and yours a wonderful week
Sincerely,
Greg Brown
Gregory B=own
Chairman & CEO
GlobalCast Partners, LLC
US:
Tel: =
=ax:
Skype:
<= href="mailto target="_blank">
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